July 21 is a date that will be remembered as a turning point in the history of democracy. When India's first female tribal president was sworn in.
After five years, the world will know if Droupadi Murmu is a real President or just a rubber stamp. Although he had a long and distinguished political career, Yashwant Sinha was defeated. He was doomed from the start. In terms of sheer numbers, the BJP led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi was a shoo-in. So, once again, the opposition is left to ponder some fundamental issues.
In the Modi era, whether by BJP supporters or friends in the media, the word "masterstroke" is frequently used. Even to the point where its meaning has faded away.
Droupadi Murmu's presidential candidacy demonstrates the strategic thinking and desire to win every election convincingly, conveying invincibility - both of the party and the party's top leadership.
Yashwant Sinha, who served as a minister in the cabinet of Atal Bihari Vajpayee, is a strong candidate for the post. In a political climate that has become increasingly polarized, he was not the right choice. Maybe another day, but not now. This is where the opposition as a whole goes astray.
Yashwant Sinha was defeated by Droupadi Murmu in the presidential race.
A political message, Droupadi Murmu was an attempt by the BJP to connect with tribal people in the age of identity politics. Since Modi assumed leadership of the BJP, the group has made a concerted effort to broaden its appeal.
The BJP had a cadre, an ideology, and a well-established organization before 2014, but it was still the "upper caste party.". The BJP's upper caste votes have been steadily increasing under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. More than 85% of upper-caste voters, particularly Brahmins, now support the BJP, according to a study by the CSDS (Centre for the Study of Developing Societies). The BJP's rise is largely due to the growing influence of the OBC and Dalit populations. As evidenced by Mayawati's BSP's utter defeat in the recent Uttar Pradesh elections, as well as the BJP's gains among non-Jatav Dalit voters,
Despite a strong showing by the Samajwadi Party, the BJP increased its share of the vote among those who voted "other than Yadav." Despite anti-incumbency in UP, the BJP prevailed, and the Samajwadi Party came in second despite a 10% increase in vote share. The BJP's outreach to new voters among women, Dalits, and the OBC made this possible.
A tribal woman from Odisha like Droupadi Murmu has nothing to do with it.
The BJP understands that it must break new ground in West Bengal and Odisha if it is to succeed in these two states.
Opposition parties in West Bengal's recent legislative and parliamentary elections were decimated by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). In the years leading up to 2014, the BJP had virtually no presence in this state. Odisha is the BJP's next target after Bengal. The BJP is well aware that Naveen Patnaik has won the last five elections and that he is not growing older. Like Mamata Banerjee, Naveen Patnaik faces a serious challenge from the BJP. Voters in Jharkhand, Bengal, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Telangana, and Andhra Pradesh are also targeted by this campaign.
Droupadi Murmu was elected President of the BJP, but this does not necessarily mean those tribal voters will immediately switch to the BJP.
After three rounds of counting, Droupadi Murmu had 53.13 per cent of the total vote value.
Ramnath Kovind's election as President of India did not mean that the party's ability to think strategically, its desire to conquer new territories, and its hunger for extra votes were all reflected in its ability to win elections.
Political messaging is critical in a large country like the United States. There is no longer any doubt in anyone's mind that this party cares about people on the margins and wants to empower them because it has chosen a tribal candidate to succeed a Dalit president.
For example, despite being the "lightweight candidate," Droupadi Murmu's USP outshone that of his rival Yashwant Sinha, in this era of identity politics. But the timing couldn't have been worse for him.
That is the root of the opposition's inability to compete with the BJP in a meaningful way. The opposition's mistakes were faithfully repeated in the presidential election.
For the most part, it has been caught off guard by Modi's actions at the national level, failing to anticipate or anticipate his political moves; it has also been unable to read his mind.
Many in the opposition were perplexed when Modi introduced Murmu into the picture. In addition to JMM, the Shiv Sena of Uddhav Thackeray changed its mind about Yashwant Sinha's name and voted for Murmu. Murmu's nomination forced Mamata Banerjee to admit that if she had known, she would not have recommended Yashwant Sinha.
A candidate like Yashwant Sinha was unable to garner additional votes and challenge the BJP's allies. Not in the least. A strong OBC or Dalit candidate from the opposition would have been able to convey a political message. Leaders from OBC and Dalit groups in the ruling party would have found it difficult to ignore this.
The opposition must retool if it hopes to defeat Modi. It's time to reinstall the political operating system. This is a new world. Although Modi has altered the game, the opposition is stuck in the past.
As in the past, today's politics is a 24-hour game that takes place in a gigantic open arena. People who watch the game prefer those who have a gladiatorial instinct and are willing to fight to the end of the game. Nothing can be called a symbolic fight in a world of polarized interconnectedness.
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